Aid and the Perils of Pride

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This piece originally appeared on Dawn.com. For the article in it’s original form along with comments, click here. Following a horrendous surge in target killings across Karachi that led to over [...]

This piece originally appeared on Dawn.com. For the article in it’s original form along with comments, click here.

Following a horrendous surge in target killings across Karachi that led to over 60 dead in three days, the US Embassy made headlines by expressing it’s sadness over the news and offering to help the Sindh government tackle the issue. While calling for an end to violence and offering to help may appear to be fairly uncontroversial, for many, any statement about anything issued by the US embassy must be viewed with suspicion and mistrust.

Indeed a quick glance at the US statement quickly shows the evil designs and hidden conspiracies being hatched – the Embassy “call [s] on all parties to refrain from further violence and work towards a peaceful resolution of differences – which has to mean something evil, is being plotted!

Calling for peace, condoling with the victims and offering to help the government – potentially ending a vicious cycle of murders and violence that has killed hundreds – might be viewed by many as a normal thing embassies do, as our own President did after the horrific attack in Norway, but when the US is involved a double standard quickly forms. Indeed many have decried the US statement of concern as “foreign involvement” and some suggested that the US offer to help be rejected. This unfortunately would not be the first time aid by the US has been rejected, as the Punjab government canceled six agreements with the US for development in education, health and waste management to protest the operation that killed bin Laden. The central government too has been guilty in this regard, sending home US troops assigned to train their Pakistani counterparts also in protest of the bin Laden raid.

The practice of declining aid as a means to snub those offering it is both misguided and wrong and ultimately hurts no one but ourselves. Indeed this is the policy equivalent of a sick man deciding he wants to keep on being sick to teach the doctor a lesson – except in our case the people making the decision don’t face the terror faced by the residents of Qasba Colony daily or depend on the health and education projects proposed in the Punjab to provide their health and education. A more apt metaphor would be if a man with health insurance refused to take sick, uninsured children to a free clinic to show how angry he is. While foreign aid given by the US government might promote US interests and influence, it will heal the sick and feed the poor.

Some argue that this is an issue that transcends petty politics and is instead an issue of national pride and sovereignty – that our dependence on foreign aid makes us weak economically and that taking money from countries the vast majority of the public views unfavorably is an affront to the nation’s dignity and self-respect.

To me, our self-respect ought to be offended that we’re ranked 14 from the bottom in a list of the least-educated countries in the world, according to the Global Campaign for Education’s 2010 report on the worst places to be a school child. Our collective self-respect ought to be offended when Save the Children’s 2011 Mothers’ index ranks us 77 out of 79 less developed countries and it ought to be offended when residents of our largest city are compelled to carve “out holes through the walls they shared with their neighbors so that women and children could evacuate if the neighborhood was attacked” as too many have had to do in Qasba Colony.

While our increasing dependence on foreign aid is a major macroeconomic problem for our economy, that too is no reason to reject well-meaning assistance that is putting funds where funds are needed. Capital flight, corruption, inflation and power shortages threaten the economic wellbeing of every Pakistani as well – probably more directly and to a greater extent than a dependence on foreign aid – yet it seems jingoistic nationalism promotes US aid as the great evil threatening our country while remaining surprisingly mum on these evils. Perhaps as we celebrated our nation’s 64th birthday last weekend we can refocus and re-engage, shifting our scorn away from the possible ‘nefarious designs’ of others and towards our own role in our joint fate as Pakistanis.

There are multitudes of issues facing Pakistan, tough issues with no easy answers and no quick fixes. Ensuring justice for all, educating the next generation, empowering the downtrodden and ending corruption will not come easily or quickly. As these challenges loom in front of us, as a seemingly endless staircase to progress and prosperity, it would be foolish to deny offers of help because of our own narrow notions of pride. Pride provides few economic opportunities and addresses no macroeconomic issues and more importantly it won’t feed our hungry, heal our sick or educate our illiterate – for those, at least for now, we’re still going to need aid.

Faris Islam studied Political Science and History at Tufts University. He is based in Karachi, where he works in the development sector.

The views expressed by this blogger and in the following reader comments do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Dawn Media Group.


The Necessity of Conflict

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This piece originally appeared on Dawn.com. For the article in it’s original form along with comments, click here. The possibility of confrontation once again loomed on the horizon as the [...]

This piece originally appeared on Dawn.com. For the article in it’s original form along with comments, click here.

The possibility of confrontation once again loomed on the horizon as the judiciary and the PPP-led government look likely to lock horns over the posting of Sohail Ahmed in the continuing – and seemingly unending  – saga of the Hajj Scam case. While the case has undoubtedly exacerbated tensions between the judiciary and the government, in the long-run it may prove crucial in the history of democratization and institution-building in Pakistan. It is through clashes between different institutions such as the one that occurred over the posting of Sohail Ahmed, that precedent is established, compromise reached and the boundaries of authority drawn.

While the case is still sub judice, the chronology of events that led up to the relegation of Sohail Ahmed to the post of Officer on Special Duty came “about two hours after he had submitted to the Supreme Court a notification transferring Hussain Asghar, the IG of Gilgit-Baltistan, back to the Federal Investigation Agency in the face of a stern court warning of immediate action against him on contempt of court charge for not complying with its orders”, according to Dawn . After initially demanding Mr. Ahmed’s reinstatement, the court then softened its early position, giving the government a week to appoint Ahmed to any post.  After meeting with allies , the government has announced its compliance with the Supreme Court’s demands, announcing the posting of Sohail Ahmed as Secretary of the Narcotics Control Division.
While many looked on with trepidation, fearing renewed clashes between the judiciary and the government, such conflicts play an important role in the processes of institution-building and democratization. With relations between institutions in Pakistan not always strictly conforming to their written guidelines, it is through a process of give-and-take that institutions develop their boundaries with respect to one another, especially after a period of great transition such as movement for the restoration of the Chief Justice.

As protests grew and grew demanding the restoration of the Chief Justice in 2007, they served to reset the relationship between the government and the judiciary, as a new civil society emerged  onto the streets and protested until the new government was forced to concede and reinstate the Chief Justice. In the years following the CJP’s 2009 restoration, the relationship between the judiciary and the government has been murky, with the previous boundaries of authority and review seeming out of synch with current moods in the country.

In this uncertain environment, the only way through which key institutions, including the judiciary, the opposition and the government can develop the new rules by which the game of politics and governance is played is through testing the waters, coming into conflict with other institutions and then reaching a solution to the problem. It is through this process of give-and-take that compromises are reached, deals are brokered and – most crucially – precedent is set.
This latest conflict too has helped delineate the working relationship between the government and the judiciary – the government may think twice before transferring an officer leading an investigation , senior bureaucrats may handle conflicting orders from the court and the government differently knowing the fate of Sohail Ahmed.

Crucial to understanding the outcome of the judicial crisis is a look at the interests and stakes of the different actors in this high-stakes courtroom drama and the extent to which their interests were met under the current situation. For the judiciary, this conflict started over the transfer of Hussain Asghar and its need to set a precedent that politics would not be allowed to interfere with ongoing investigations. While this initially meant that Asghar should be reinstated it soon also meant that Sohail Ahmed should not be allowed to be relegated ostensibly for following Supreme Court orders.

The government too was motivated by the issue of defining the boundaries between institutions. Would other institutions of state be allowed to demand the appointment and transfer of senior officials – perhaps against the preferences of the government? After the notification transferring Asghar was issued, it appears without the approval of the Prime Minister, should the official issuing this notice not face repercussions?

Given the high stakes and deep questions involved in the issue, as well as its immediate politicization, ending the impasse would require either compromise or confrontation. Perhaps as a testament to the growing atmosphere of reconciliation and democracy in the country (or maybe other reasons), a compromise was reached with both the Supreme Court  and the government  pulled back from their initial positions and came to an agreement. While there may have been some anxiety and instability in the interim, it’s through this messy, confrontational and unpredictable process that democracy comes about.

Faris Islam studied Political Science and History at Tufts University. He is based in Karachi, where he works in the development sector.

The views expressed by this blogger and in the following reader comments do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Dawn Media Group.


Dissecting the double standard

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This piece originally appeared on Dawn.com. For the article in it’s original form along with comments, click here. After five tumultuous months, which included the aftermath of the bin Laden [...]

This piece originally appeared on Dawn.com. For the article in it’s original form along with comments, click here.

After five tumultuous months, which included the aftermath of the bin Laden raid and a few rounds of Indo-Pak diplomacy, last week Hina Rabbani Khar was sworn-in as Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs. To many, Khar seemed an obvious choice, serving as Minister of State for Foreign Affairs without a Foreign Minister for the last five months and previously serving as Minister of State for Economic Affairs under both the Musharraf and Zardari governments. While hardly surprising, Khar’s appointment was historic as she became Pakistan’s first female Foreign Minister and currently, the youngest serving Foreign Minister in the world. Suffice to say, the reaction to Khar’s appointment, both at home and abroad have been mixed, with some hailing the new FM as an example for Pakistani women everywhere and others decrying Ms. Khar as ‘just another feudal’.

Whether a savior or the status quo, Khar has been followed by a monsoon of commentary following her every move – from her running of Polo Lounge in Lahore to her outfits and accessories, there is little about her that has failed to feed the media hype. As she crossed the Eastern border, the media’s fascination with her appeared to have snuck aboard her PAF jet, as newspapers across India analyzed her fashion and style, with one outlet calling her “a perfect combination of beauty and brains” (luckily for her, her style’s been judged much better than the infamous Clinton pantsuits of another nation’s top-diplomat). Interestingly, I’ve struggled to find anything focusing on the style rather than the statements of Shah Mehmood Qureshi or Khurshid M. Kasuri or any of our previous (male) Foreign Minister’s.

While the double-standard between male and female politicians worldwide is hardly new, the debate over whether Khar’s appointment is a victory for Pakistan’s women appears to be. In a recent article for Foreign PolicyHuma Imtiaz argues that appointing our first female Foreign Minister is hardly a cause for celebration, dismissing her electoral victory in the NA-177 seat as based “of her last name and feudal lineage” and arguing that “women MPs being elevated to positions of power has rarely translated into real action or change for the women of Pakistan.” Not having studied the electoral politics of the Muzzafargarh II seat in-depth, I would be amiss to comment on the role her last name may have played in her victory – or indeed if it played a different role than that of any Pakistani politician from a landholding background. Indeed, whether or not dynastic politics played a role in Ms. Khar’s election may have more to do with the nature of politics and elections in Pakistan rather than women’s empowerment.

With regards to women’s empowerment however, perhaps the simple act of having our country represented by a woman at global forums and playing a highly visible role can do more than imagined. A paper by Esther Duflo, an MIT Economics Professor and one of the founders of the highly renowned Jameel Poverty Action lab (J-PAL) and others explores this issue. The paper acknowledges that “exposure to women leader’s does not alter villagers’ taste preference for male leaders. However, it weakens stereotypes about gender roles in the public and domestic spheres and eliminates the negative bias in how female leaders’ effectiveness is perceived.” Providing visible female role models in Pakistan can thus yield enormous benefits not only by inspiring the next generation of Pakistani women but also by dispelling stereotyped gender roles.

This is crucial to tackle another aspect of the double standard for male and female legislators – getting different marks for the same results. Studying the effectiveness of village councils in rural India after a quota for women’s participation was introduced, other research by Duflo and Petia Topalova found that “villages reserved for women leaders have more public goods” at a comparable quality, yet “residents of villages headed by women are less satisfied with the public goods”. Thus even when provided with more services at comparable quality, the villagers were less happy with the service than those in other villages led by men.

Pakistan has been making progress towards increasing female participation, and currently ranks 46th in the world with 22.2 per cent of the seats in the National Assembly and Senate filled by women. However, given that 17 per cent of the Senate and 18 per cent of the National Assembly is reserved for women, the 22.2 per cent of representatives quickly shrinks to between four and five per cent of elected representatives. Given the dearth of highly-visible, elected female politicians that can contribute to the national discourse and shape policies and priorities, perhaps when photos of Hina Rabbani Khar’s return from India are splashed across the nation’s media, we should focus on the peace process – and not her purse.

Faris Islam studied Political Science and History at Tufts University. He is based in Karachi, where he works in the development sector.

The views expressed by this blogger and in the following reader comments do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Dawn Media Group.

 

Re-evaluating Carrot and Stick Diplomacy

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This piece originally appeared on Dawn.com. For the article in it’s original form, with links and comments, click here.   Another blow was dealt to those seeking a friendly, long-lasting [...]

This piece originally appeared on Dawn.com. For the article in it’s original form, with links and comments, click here.

 

Another blow was dealt to those seeking a friendly, long-lasting relationship between Pakistan and the United States, with news that the US government had suspended $800 million in security aid to Pakistanon Monday. The news is only another crack however, within the foundations of a US-Pak alliance post-9/11 that is filled with cracks on all sides. Unfortunately, until the relationship between the two countries is presented earnestly to the public in both countries, the foundations will continue to be eroded away by each new misunderstanding and propped up only by a combination of carrots – aid – and sticks – suspending aid.

In the short-term, relations are stuck in a basic ground reality, one rarely admitted by policymakers on either side of the Atlantic and never articulated to the public’s on both sides. Whether they like each other or not, both countries are ‘stuck’ and cannot pursue their own interests without cooperation. This may be an unpopular assertion and may trigger nationalist outbursts amongst peoples accustomed to seeing the other as playing a double game, but it cannot be avoided. For the US, peace in Afghanistan cannot come while militants are allowed sanctuary across the border as well as a place to keep and gather supporters, supplies and arms. Additionally, the vital supply-line snaking through Pakistan from the shipyards of Karachi to US outposts across the country form a crucial lifeline and one through which 60 per cent of Nato supplies travel.

For Pakistan, with an economy barely able to keep up with the growth of our population, international aid and support are unfortunately crucial to our economic well-being – whether in the form of IMF bailouts or deferred oil payments or foreign direct investment. While the US may not be writing all of these cheques, being a pariah state will ensure us almost no cheques and have untold consequences on our economy and people. Additionally, as the Swat operation as well as the carnage wrought by suicide bombings that have become all too familiar in the landscape of Pakistani cities have taught us, the violent ideology spawned by the Taliban and al Qaeda that has grown as a cancer within Pakistani society is slowly killing us. It is only by the governments on both sides admitting – and making public – these realities will the true nature of Pak-US relations and the need to strengthen them, be made clear.

While this may be the truth underpinning the relationship between the two, it is a truth rarely presented to the public, as both countries’ governments seem to prefer pandering to public opinion rather than attempting to change it. In Pakistan, perceptions of the United States – and willingly embraced by the government – center on drone strikes and the ever familiar chant of “Pakistan needs to do more” ignoring the billions of dollars of US aid that has flowed into Pakistani coffers and the close relationship between the two governments. In the US the perception of Pakistan is similarly negative, with stories of Pakistani complicity in attacks in Afghanistan and a rogue military governing an increasingly failed state. Indeed, elements in the media in both countries often inflame the situation further, as when Pakistani newspapers published the name of the alleged CIA station chief in Islamabad in May or when a major American newspaper published its own editorial last week calling for theremoval of the chief of the ISI.

Unfortunately these media attacks illustrate an uncomfortable reality – in both Pakistan and the United States the other country is unpopular with the public, considered to be playing a double game and lacking trust. Polling done by the Pew Global Attitudes Project after the bin Laden raid show that “most Pakistanis view the US as an enemy” while the 2011 BBC World Service Country Rating Poll showed that 75 per cent of Americans hadunfavourable views of Pakistan. Politically speaking, it is thus politically profitable for both sides to distance themselves from one another and increasingly difficult for the two governments to cozy up and cooperate with one another.

As a report by the Guardian detailed, with this in mind a deal was made between Presidents Bush and Musharraf giving the US permission to target bin Laden in Pakistan, given that the Pakistani government could claim denial and protest the attack after the fact. This is not the basis upon which a lasting relationship can be built between Pakistan and the United States. Continuing the policy of ignoring the needs that link the two sides together and focusing on attacking one another will only fray the already tenuous bonds holding the countries together – to the detriment of both. Until both governments are willing to come clean about the relationship between the United States and Pakistan and clearly explain the reasoning behind it, as compared to feigning outrage when the details come to light in the media, anti-Americanism in Pakistan and anti-Pakistani sentiments in America will only continue to grow.

Faris Islam studied Political Science and History at Tufts University. He is based in Karachi, where he works in the development sector.

The views expressed by this blogger and in the following reader comments do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Dawn Media Group.

 

Back-breaking work baking bricks

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This post originally appeared on the Barakat, Inc. blog on January 20th, 2011. Barakat is an NGO focused on providing education for women and children throughout Afghanistan and Pakistan.   A recent [...]

This post originally appeared on the Barakat, Inc. blog on January 20th, 2011. Barakat is an NGO focused on providing education for women and children throughout Afghanistan and Pakistan.

 

A recent article by the New York Times on indentured servitude in the brick-making industry in Afghanistan highlights the crushing cycle of poverty many families are caught in. For kiln workers with limited skills, the only way to take out a loan is to use their manual labor and that of future generations as collateral. This system unfortunately traps the workers when they are forced to borrow from their employers, who do not pay them enough to settle their debts.

For Zar Mohammad the situation is particularly bleak. After taking out a loan to pay for his marriage, he “realized that his weekly earnings in the kiln left little or no money to pay down the principal. As his family grew, he found himself having to borrow more money” and he saw his debt increase each year.

According to the article, Mohammad and his four sons are paid $10 for a day’s labor—roughly 2,500 bricks.  The kiln owners can sell this amount of bricks for up to $160. The owners say they are helping the families of kiln workers, noting that many were stranded as refugees in Pakistan and that employees are usually provided with “houses, electricity, beds, blankets, water and cash for workers’ family expenses” in addition to further loans for emergencies. For the workers, however, this situation perpetuates their problems as they live lives of great poverty and hardship but still have enough to lose if they choose to stand up to their employers.

The predicament faced by these workers is symptomatic of larger problems related to economic development and poverty. While Mohammad and his children may have to endure terrible circumstances, the job does provide a much needed income. The District Governor of Surkhrod, when interviewed for this article, said, “I know this is not good for kids, but we have to build our buildings [and] our country”. Sarah Crowe, UNICEF’s regional communication director for South Asia offers a similar gloomy assessment of the costs and benefits of child labor in the brick making industry, pointing out that it offers supplemental income for the family.

Unfortunately, while education offers one of the few opportunities to break the chains of poverty for families and communities, the decision to invest in the long-term benefits of education over short-term survival needs is a hard and life-changing one.  Thus, without support and economic assistance and the opportunity to learn, Zar Mohammad’s 8-year-old son Neyaz will have to continue beginning his twelve-hour workday before dawn as he makes the bricks that are rebuilding Afghanistan. While the world may be tough on him, Neyaz continues to dream big.  He says, “I want to go to school and to become a doctor to serve my people and my country.”

 

Rising Malnutrition in Pakistan

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This post originally appeared on the Barakat, Inc. blog on January 20th, 2011. Barakat is an NGO focused on providing education for women and children throughout Afghanistan and Pakistan. UNICEF announced on [...]

This post originally appeared on the Barakat, Inc. blog on January 20th, 2011. Barakat is an NGO focused on providing education for women and children throughout Afghanistan and Pakistan.

UNICEF announced on Friday that survivors of last year’s deadly floods in Pakistan are now facing another tragedy as rates of malnourishment in children are skyrocketing in affected areas. According to a report in Pakistan’s Dawn newspaper, “six months on from Pakistan’s deadly floods, nearly a quarter of children in the worst-hit province of Sindh remain acutely malnourished.” According to the government of Sindh, this amounts to 90,000 children between the ages of six months and five years.

These malnourished children are a symptom of a larger problem – to provide relief to the 20 million people affected by the floods. The UN issued a call for $2 billion in emergency relief in September but has only raised about half that amount so far. Speaking at a press conference in Islamabad, Rauf Engin Soysal, the UN’s Special Envoy for Assistance to Pakistan said that only 39 percent of early recovery projects have been funded, adding that the remaining billion dollars in relief is “urgently needed.”

While the initial fear of waterborne diseases may have faded, new crises now loom. With 1.7 million homes damaged and 5.4 million acres of arable land affected, getting the country’s agricultural sector back on track is a priority. To that end, Soysal announced that the UN was “providing them [farmers] with seeds, fertilizers and tool to accelerate the rehabilitation process.” As this process continues, seven million people remain dependent on monthly food rations to survive.

This announcement will hopefully refocus international attention on the need for a sustained commitment to Pakistan. With the country’s own government facing massive budgetary shortfalls and the international community struggling to respond to more and more disasters in a time of less and less money, the onus falls on common citizens of all countries to step in and extend a sorely-needed hand of friendship to their Pakistani brethren.

Egypt – A Backgrounder

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photo courtesy Muhammad Ghafari As Egypt has been engulfed in chaos over the past few days, questions remain about the future of Egypt and the situation throughout the Middle East. [...]

photo courtesy Muhammad Ghafari

As Egypt has been engulfed in chaos over the past few days, questions remain about the future of Egypt and the situation throughout the Middle East. To help us digest this information, the TRCommons has put together a brief backgrounder on events over the past few days as well as in the years and months leading up to the protest. We’ll attempt to update this as often as possible with information as more becomes available.

Mubarak – the History:

Hosni Mubarak, a former Commander of the Egyptian Air Force, took over as President of Egypt in 1981 following the assassination of his predecessor Anwar Sadat. Citing the assassination, Mubarak imposed a state of emergency upon the country when he took over – a state of emergency that has continued with some adjustments since 1981. The imposition of this emergency has been used by the Egyptian government at various times to limit freedom of speech and assembly as well as to curtail political activity. While elections have been held periodically since Mubarak took office – with referendums in 1987, 1993 and 1999 – they have generally not been considered free and fair, with no candidates running against Mubarak. In 2005 multi-party elections were held, though activists and monitors claimed mass rigging and vote-buying took place, with Mubarak securing 78-80% of the vote according to official results.

At 82 years old and considered to be in poor health, it was widely believed that he would not seek re-election in Presidential elections that are scheduled for later this year. This has naturally fueled many questions about his succession, as until earlier today he had not named a vice-president throughout the decades of his rule. Many believed that Mubarak was grooming his son, Gamal Mubarak to take over the reins from him and run for office as the candidate of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). The choice was s controversial one, not only because of the hereditary aspect of it, but also because Gamal, a former investment banker, is not believed to be popular amongst the old guard of the armed forces. The old guard was crucial in Mubarak’s rise to power and early years as well as in maintaining order. They were generally believed to favor Omar Suleiman or Mohammad Hussain Tantawi as successors to Mubarak. Suleiman, a former head of Egypt’s Intelligence Agency, was named Vice President earlier on Saturday by Mubarak.

Tunisia – the first Domino?

Egypt was – and is – not the only state in the Middle East ruled by an ageing autocrat who has ruled for decades and stifled freedoms. In December of last year, protests began in another authoritarian North African state – Tunisia – protesting government autocracy, a lack of employment and economic opportunities and corruption. The protests in Tunisia began after Mohammad Bouazizi – a young fruit and vegetable seller in the small town of Sidi Bouzid – set himself on fire to protest repeated harassment by government officials. His self-immolation started protests in his hometown that quickly spread throughout the country. At first the government resisted the protests, using law enforcement to attempt to break them up.

On January 12th however, Tunisia’s long-ruling President Zine Al-Abidine Ben Ali sacked the country’s interior minister, ordered the release of arrested protestors and the formation of a committee to investigate corruption. These moves failed to quell protests however, leading Ben Ali to announce that he would grant more political freedoms to the people, lower food prices and not seek re-election (after ruling since 1987) in elections scheduled for 2014. The day after this however, on January 14th, after sacking the government, Ben Ali announced he was “temporarily” stepping down and fled to Saudi Arabia with his family. For more on the situation in Tunisia,  the BBC and Al Jazeera have very in-depth coverage.

The protests in Tunisia also set off small-scale protests in Yemen, Algeria and Egypt as well as a string of self-immolations. Reportedly, after Ben Ali announced his departure, crowds gathered in Cairo chanting “Mubarak Next.”

The Taliban and Women’s Education

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This post originally appeared on the Barakat, Inc. blog on January 20th, 2011. Barakat is an NGO focused on providing education for women and children throughout Afghanistan and Pakistan.   [...]

This post originally appeared on the Barakat, Inc. blog on January 20th, 2011. Barakat is an NGO focused on providing education for women and children throughout Afghanistan and Pakistan.

 

Girls attend computer class at a Barakat school in Afghanistan.

 

Afghan education minister Farooq Wardak has said a paradigm shift may be coming in the battle for women’s education, telling the media recently that the Taliban had undergone a “cultural change” and decided to end their opposition to girls’ education in the country. While Wardak is close to Afghan President Hamid Karzai – and involved in reconciliation talks with the Taliban – members of the militant group have not confirmed his statement.

Indeed, even within the Taliban it appears there are contrasting views on the issue, with the Taliban’s former Ambassador to Islamabad, Mullah Zaeef, telling the BBC that the ban imposed by the Taliban was “a temporary measure” due to the group’s disapproval of co-education and of male teachers teaching women. In addition to the Taliban, others in Afghan society have also opposed educating women for various reasons. As the education minister said, “In the deepest pockets of our society, not only the Taliban, there was not very friendly behavior towards education.”

Beyond these cultural obstacles identified by the minister, millions of Afghans who brave violence and tackle prejudices to send their children to school, face even more challenges. With the country ranked amongst the world’s poorest and still recovering from thirty years of conflict and war, schools are struggling to make ends meet and provide a quality education to their students.

Despite the hardships, Afghans of all ethnic groups – including parents of Barakat students – are determined to provide their children with previously unimaginable opportunities through the power of education. As Wardak went on to say, “During the Taliban era the percentage of girls of the one million students that we had was zero percent. The percent of female teachers was zero percent… today 38 % of our students and 30 % of our teachers are female.” Hopefully, with the minister’s announcement, Afghanistan can look forward to these numbers rising in years to come.

-Faris Islam

 

Pakistan’s Working Women: Unsung Heroes of the Service Sector

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For too long, the Pakistani workforce – and most aspects of the public sphere in the country – have been male dominated. For those lower economic strata women daring to venture outside the house for work, employment has either been as domestic servants or hidden from the public eye in women-only workshops and businesses. That is now beginning to change.

Here’s a piece I wrote for the All Things Pakistan blog on the appointment of a media ombudsman for one of Pakistan’s newest media networks. For the article in it’s entirety (with comments, links and pictures) as well as links to the orinigal NYT piece follow the link.

For too long, the Pakistani workforce – and most aspects of the public sphere in the country – have been male dominated. For those lower economic strata women daring to venture outside the house for work, employment has either been as domestic servants or hidden from the public eye in women-only workshops and businesses. That is now beginning to change.

A recent video and article by The New York Times suggests there are slow signs of change on this front, with more women leaving the confines of their house and taking on highly visible jobs in the service sector, as waitresses, shopkeepers and saleswomen. With inflation continuing to soar throughout the country, these women fight a daily battle against pressures at home, dangers on their commute, aggressive and harassing customers and even unwilling employers as they struggle to feed and provide for their families.

Often, the working class woman in Pakistan faces danger and discrimination from the outset with the decision to work. One woman highlighted in the piece, and now working as a cashier for a multinational fast-food chain, details how after she started working, her brother “confiscated her uniform, slapped her across the face and threatened to break her legs” if she continued to work. Rabia had little choice, however, as the family’s growing bills – including for her daughter’s schooling – could not be met on their current income. Choking back tears, the father of another worker spoke about his feeling that he had ‘failed’ as a father, feeling he could not provide “an easy life” for his daughter.

Rafiq Rangoonwala, the CEO of KFC Pakistan says this is not unusual, as he has heard about father’s threatening to disown their daughters and fiancés breaking off engagements to women who have begun working outside their home. Rangoonwala speaks from experience, with KFC pioneering along with other companies like McDonald’s and Makro to support female employment and tackle the stereotypes and discrimination these women face. Other businesses have been less forthcoming however, with businesses such as the popular coffee chain Espresso choosing not to hire women. When asked why, Espresso’s owner Kamil Aziz responded to the report that “we felt we had to provide them with separate changing rooms, separate lockers, separate bathrooms” and that they had a higher turnover rate than male employees.

Beyond the perils of the commute and employers still mired in prejudices, customer interactions can be perilous as well. Facing primarily male customers day in and day out, harassment is sadly commonplace. Indeed, asking his female employees about their reluctance to smile, Rangoonwala discovered a sad truth, as they told him “if we smile the male customers might think we are easy.” Fauzia, a KFC employee can vouch for this, as last year a customer followed her as she was leaving her shift and tried abducting her. Able to escape, Fauzia was not deterred, and showed her strength and determination by returning to work and telling the reporter that “the best thing about my job is my smile.”

At the end of the day, the issue of women’s employment is one that goes beyond short-term profits and accommodations: it is instead an issue of societal transformation. In an era of corporate malfeasance, the example of corporate social responsibility and desire for a more equitable and prosperous Pakistan serves as examples all companies should follow. For these women, leaving their houses and going to work every day presents a myriad of problems, yet their determination, as well as economic need see them returning to work day after day, with a polite smile and courteous service for all.

Indeed, it is through their courage that these trailblazers set the path for future generations of working Pakistani women to follow.

Media Watch: Good Step by Express Tribune

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Here’s a piece I wrote for the All Things Pakistan blog on the appointment of a media ombudsman for one of Pakistan’s newest media networks. For the article in it’s [...]

Here’s a piece I wrote for the All Things Pakistan blog on the appointment of a media ombudsman for one of Pakistan’s newest media networks. For the article in it’s entirety (with comments, links and pictures) follow the link.

Earlier today, the Express Tribune announced via their website and newspaper that retired Justice Fakhruddin G Ebrahim, a former Law Minister, Attorney General and Governor of Sindh would be the newspaper’s inaugural ombudsman. According to the announcement, the highly respected constitutional expert will “act as arbitrator” and as a link between the newspaper and its readership to promote accurate, fair and balanced reporting.

The appointment comes at a time where the role of the media and media coverage has come under increasing scrutiny and criticism. Following the recent “media explosion” which witnessed the launching of dozens of private media outlets of all mediums, many have complained that media standards, accuracy and accountability have failed grow with the number of media outlets. Indeed, two weeks ago the country was (once again) thrown into frenzy with after TV channels aired rumors that the government was considering the ouster of the judiciary and triggered a firm response from the judiciary.

Unfortunately, in such a competitive market and with a twenty-four hour news cycle, the urge to be the first to break the news – even if it is unverified – as well as the desire to sensationalize can be all too tempting. At the end of the day, news organization across the world and especially those operating in a new mediascape, like those in Pakistan, are fighting for profits and ratings, the pursuit of which often threaten fair, balanced and accurate reporting.

The Express Tribune’s appointment of Justice Ebrahim is a welcome example of steps media networks can take to address the dilemma. A highly-respected and neutral outsider can go a long way in putting their coverage in perspective and providing an outlet for readers to address their concerns.

While setting up this institution is an important step for the Pakistani media establishment, its effectiveness will have to be determined in the days to come, once it becomes more clear what the scope and power of a Pakistani media ombudsman will be.

The need to confront violence and injustice

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My piece from the Dawn.com blog, on last night’s  terror attacks in Lahore  and subsequent rioting.(Follow the link for the original story) Watching the footage of the aftermath of the Lahore blast, it’s [...]

My piece from the Dawn.com blog, on last night’s  terror attacks in Lahore  and subsequent rioting.(Follow the link for the original story)

Watching the footage of the aftermath of the Lahore blast, it’s tragic how familiar a sight this has become across Pakistan. Too often, our national discourse been filled with angry citizens taking the law into their own hands. Before the Lahore bombings, we witnessed the gruesome lynching of two teenagers in Sialkot, a few weeks earlier Karachi erupted into flames of arson and looting following the murder of MPA Raza Haider. Prior to that, my home city of Karachi also burnt and bled after the Ashura blasts and of course, the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.

Scenes of citizen-led violence are becoming a common part of terror attacks in cities across Pakistan, with ordinary citizens going on fury-filled rampages of murder, arson and looting. Indeed, the violence perpetrated by ordinary citizens is causing more damage and death than the original attack – something militant groups increasingly rely on. Following the Karachi attacks, it was shown that the post-attack violence was planned and incited to further the toll of the original attacks. More disturbing than this complex planning or even the tepid response from law enforcement agencies has been the willingness of citizens to embrace this private justice and join these rampages. This willingness to embrace violence is an expression of the deep reservoirs of frustration and injustice coursing through the veins of Pakistanis.

With a galore of pundits tracing the route of this – and all other problems – to the aftermath of the Afghan war, it’s important to acknowledge our own failings as a nation in dealing with violence. Balochistan had been engulfed in the fires of insurgence long before the Afghan war, and East Pakistan even before that. The violence of the ’80s and ’90s in Karachi also had roots in grievances present long before the Afghan war. Like the angry citizens rampaging across Lahore and Karachi, these insurgencies were driven by a deep-seated frustration at injustices and a feeling – perceived or real – that those responsible would escape justice unless citizen took force into their own hands.

Now however, the visibility of force and violence across the country has made us accustomed to private justice, with citizens – or their armed guards – administering ‘justice’ on their own without involving the state. Violent footage flash on our television screens; armed guards at houses and shops, snipers guarding schools and ‘sensitive’ buildings now fortified behind layers of barriers and barbed wires. Now, it seems ‘might is right’ and the best way to deal with threats, injustice and insecurity is through weapons and force.

These weapons and the use of force are increasingly become privatised, with the populace feeling the state can’t deliver justice or keep the peace, ironically further eroding the state’s monopoly on the use of force. Events in Lahore and in Karachi have shown us a citizenry that is brimming with anger and fury, doubting justice will be served and accustomed to seeing force wielded privately. When this anger and the perception that vigilantism is acceptable in society mixes with miscreants eager to spread chaos, anarchy has always ensued.

The crucial question remains – where do we go from here? What can we learn from the anguish and anger of those setting building ablaze on Lahore’s Mall Road? What can the torching of Karachi’s Bolton Market possibly serve to teach us? In an increasingly dangerous world, threats abound. Our need for security and justice, our feelings of helplessness and anger and the visibility of violence around us cannot allow us to continue taking violence and force into our own hands. Regardless of how senseless this violence may seem and how little this mob action may appear to have to do with justice, as long as we continue to privatise armed resistance at any level, and deny justice at all levels, the risk of citizens being seduced into using weaponry and vigilante justice, lingers. Gandhi was right that, “an eye for an eye makes the whole world blind” – our challenge must be to strengthen the vision of justice.

Faris Islam is studying political science and history at Tufts University, Massachusetts.